How is the lead actor Warren Beatty's character in Heaven Can Wait Essay

How is the lead entertainer Warren Beatty's character in Heaven Can Wait film like Jay Gatsby please give explicit models - Essay Example story is focused on this excursion as he figures out how to return back to Earth to at last satisfy his deep rooted dream: to lead his group as quarterback in the Super Bowl. These two characters in the two stories assume a comparative job. Both Pendleton and Gatsby win incredible status and position. For Joe Pendleton, he is a quarterback football star playing for the football crew Los Angeles Rams. He is setting up his group to play in the Super Bowl. For Jay Gatsby, then again, is a fruitful and incredibly well off head honcho who tosses excessive sumptuous gatherings. The two characters are not just comparable in rank, position and economic wellbeing, they are additionally fundamentally the same as in their demeanor and character. Both are steady and decided individuals. Joe Pendleton as he meets a mishap and is culled into paradise by a holy messenger excessively early, doesn't acknowledge the truth and accept he is extremely dead and his time is up on Earth. Like Joe, Jay Gatsby won't abandon his craving of having Daisy, the young lady he had always wanted. Her undertaking with Gatsby five years back realizes the headliners in the story. In view of Gatsby’s extraordinary searing want to revive the adoration he used to impart to Daisy, he submitted his life to turn into the rich and well-off man to dazzle her. Towards the finish of the story, Daisy is astounded despite the fact that Gatsby won't stop the interest. He is as yet envisioning for her call up until the specific moment he kicks the bucket. In the mean time, Joe Pendleton, even in his new given body as Farnsworth, a withering mogul, he is as yet decided and resolute on driving his group to the Super Bowl as their quarterback. Indeed, even in existence in the wake of death, he will not accept his life has reached a conclusion and it brings about him finding new bodies to stay in so he can lead as quarterback in Super Bowl and even in his new life as Leo Farnsworth. His lone objective is still to lead as quarterback in the Super Bowl. For the two characters, even to the point of death, their objective is their lone idea as a main priority.

Oscar Claude Monet :: Essays Papers

Oscar Claude Monet Oscar Claude Monet was conceived on November 14, 1840 in Paris, France. Monet burned through a large portion of his adolescence in Le Havre, France. In Le Havre, Monet considered drawings and painted seascapes with a French painter Eugene Louis Boudin in his youngsters. By 1859 Monet submitted himself a profession to be a craftsman. Monet invested a ton of energy in Paris around 1859. By 1860 Monet met a pre-impressionist painter, Edouard Manet. Monet additionally met other French painters to frame the impressionist school. Monet met Camille Pissaro, Pierre Auguste Renoir, and Alfred Sisley. Monet painted straightforward scenes and representations like scenes of splendid shading. Monet had some accomplishment in authentic shows. In 1874, Monet and his associates chose to sort out their own display out in the open. Monet and his partners called themselves, independents, yet the press later named them impressionists in light of the fact that their work appeared to be scrappy and incomp lete. One of Monet’s works of art had the title Impression: Sunrise in 1872, in Musee Marmottan, Paris. During the remainder of the 1870’s and mid 1880’s, Monet utilized extraordinary strategies to paint scenes of various impacts on hues. Monet went to the Mediterranean and Atlantic coasts to contemplate the impacts of light and shading. By mid 1880’s Monet was commonly the pioneer of the impressionist school and he accomplished critical acknowledgment. Monet was perceived as the ace of careful perception and genuine affections for his artistic creations. In 1890, Monet had the option to buy some property in the town of Giverny, not a long way from Paris. In Giverny Monet started to develop a water garden (a lily lake curved with a Japanese scaffold, overhung with willows and bamboo). Oscar Claude Monet :: Essays Papers Oscar Claude Monet Oscar Claude Monet was conceived on November 14, 1840 in Paris, France. Monet burned through the majority of his adolescence in Le Havre, France. In Le Havre, Monet considered drawings and painted seascapes with a French painter Eugene Louis Boudin in his teenagers. By 1859 Monet submitted himself a profession to be a craftsman. Monet invested a great deal of energy in Paris around 1859. By 1860 Monet met a pre-impressionist painter, Edouard Manet. Monet likewise met other French painters to shape the impressionist school. Monet met Camille Pissaro, Pierre Auguste Renoir, and Alfred Sisley. Monet painted basic scenes and portrayals like scenes of splendid shading. Monet had some accomplishment in legitimate displays. In 1874, Monet and his partners chose to arrange their own display out in the open. Monet and his associates called themselves, independents, yet the press later named them impressionists in light of the fact that their work appeared to be crude and incomplete. One of Mo net’s artistic creations had the title Impression: Sunrise in 1872, in Musee Marmottan, Paris. During the remainder of the 1870’s and mid 1880’s, Monet utilized exceptional methods to paint scenes of various impacts on hues. Monet went to the Mediterranean and Atlantic coasts to consider the impacts of light and shading. By mid 1880’s Monet was commonly the pioneer of the impressionist school and he accomplished huge acknowledgment. Monet was perceived as the ace of careful perception and genuine affections for his compositions. In 1890, Monet had the option to buy some property in the town of Giverny, not a long way from Paris. In Giverny Monet started to develop a water garden (a lily lake angled with a Japanese extension, overhung with willows and bamboo).

Blank Writing Paper With Picture Box - Use A Blank Writing Paper With Picture Box To Express Your Creative Ideas

Blank Writing Paper With Picture Box - Use A Blank Writing Paper With Picture Box To Express Your Creative IdeasUse a blank writing paper with a picture box to express your creative ideas. You can choose one of the many colors and sizes that come with this product. The idea is that you will be able to express yourself in a fun way.Make the most of the paper by wrapping it up in a plain brown paper bag and pinning it up in a magazine stand, or you can have fun making the bottom part of the box the same color as the paper. The reason you want to do this is because this particular style is supposed to be a colorful sketch. You do not want to have a boring color, so have fun with it!What you want to do is use a light box or lamp as a backdrop. The light box should be placed in the corner of the box so it is not the center of attention. Just make sure the area is large enough for the box to fit in comfortably. For the light box, you may want to use three different lights, or even more.The next step is to add a simple item or picture. Draw on the light box in black ink, or just use an ordinary pencil. After that, you will want to color the drawing in your chosen color using your chosen color pencil.What you want to do is fill the box with a long term marker so you can write on it. After that, place the picture you drew on the bottom of the box. You can use tape or cellophane bags to make your picture pop out.Once you are done writing on the paper, fold the paper back on itself to make the sides and it is done. Then it is simply a matter of holding the paper up like a mirror and writing on it until you have a nice finished piece.The best thing about this process is that all you need to do is pick up the picture at a dollar store, or you can pick up the picture in the dollar section of the grocery store. There are plenty of items around here for the entire family to have fun with. I encourage you to try it out!So you can also check out the Dollar Store to get you some more ideas for what to draw or use as your picture. It is much cheaper to buy something at the store, then it is to spend extra money on a picture that does not actually look as good as you hoped. If you decide to do this, just remember to enjoy the process, and try to take it slow!

The Life of John Fitzgerald Kennedy Essay - 948 Words

John Fitzgerald Kennedy was the 35th President of The United States. He was more than just the Commander-in Chief to many. For those who admired him the most, he was not just their role model, he was also their hero. But, he was also the only Catholic to hold the highest office of the land. Many groups, especially the Protestants, were opposed to a Catholic president. They feared that the Vatican somehow would become involved in America’s matters, and the Constitution would be changed to make Catholicism the nation’s religion. John F. Kennedy need to show American votes that he could be loyal to both hi faith and the ideals of the Constitution. He worked hard to end religious intolerance and paved the way for future Catholic politicians to†¦show more content†¦Are we going to admit to the world-worse still, are we going to admit to ourselves that one third of the American people is forever barred from the White House,† (qtd in John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum)? JFK dealt with religious issues by gathering together a net work of advisers including speech writers, the dean of the National Cathedral, and several journalists (John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum). Kennedy chose to enter the state primaries to prove that he could be elected there. He defeated Senator Hubert Humphrey in the Minnesota Primary by fifty-six percent of the vote, but did not win a majority of the Protestant vote (John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum). He entered the West Virginia Primary in which Catholics made up less than four percent of the electorate (John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum). In September of 1960, a group of one hundred fifty Protestant ministers sent Kennedy an invitation to address the greater Houston Ministerial Association (Denison). Kennedy gave a speech in which he pleaded for religious tolerance and restated his support for separation of Church and state (John F. Kennedy Presidential Libr ary and Museum). IN his speech, Kennedy state that, â€Å"I want to emphasize from the outset that we have far more critical issues toShow MoreRelatedJohn Fitzgerald Kennedy And His Life1165 Words   |  5 PagesWhat did John Fitzgerald Kennedy explore, encounter, and exchange during his life. President John Fitzgerald  Kennedy went through a lot throughout his life. He was a mayor a Senate  and even president! On top of that he was in the military supporting our country. Let s  take a look at what he has explored. Explore, well John Fitzgerald Kennedy explored  a lot of things here are some examples of what he explored. He served in the military during WW2. He  explored  the ocean on his boat with his crewRead MoreLife And Death Of John Fitzgerald Kennedy Essay1413 Words   |  6 Pages Life to Death of John Fitzgerald Kennedy Hailee Barnwell Central High School Abstract John F. Kennedy lived a very hard, but famous life. In his life he batted many deaths and illnesses. He was in the navy, in congress, the Senate of the United States, and the 35th President. Even though most people think Mr. Kennedy lived a very easy and flowing life, they are all wrong. He struggled through life, but never let its show through to many people. While he struggled through allRead MoreProfiles in Courage by John Fitzgerald Kennedy Essay1248 Words   |  5 Pagesabout twelve thirty in the afternoon. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was shot while riding on his motorcade through Dealey Plaza downtown Dallas. It was a really bad day for Americans. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born in Brookline Massachusetts on May twenty ninth nineteen seventeen. The Fitzgerald and the Kennedy families were prominent Irish Catholic families that lived in Boston. John Fitzgerald Kennedy’s maternal grandfather was John E. Fitzgerald his nickname was â€Å"Honey Fitz† andRead MoreJohn F. Kennedy Essay1302 Words   |  6 Pagesof America, John Fitzgerald Kennedy remains the youngest man ever elected to the office of Chief Executive, and the youngest man to die while still fulfilling his duties. Serving as Americas President, John F. Kennedy held his office for 1000 days, dying November 22nd, 1963, assassinated at the age of 46. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born on May 29th, 1917 in Brookline, Massachusetts, the second son of nine children of the wealthy Roman Catholic Kennedy family. Joseph Patrick Kennedy, Kennedys fatherRead MoreJFK Leadership Profile Essay1135 Words   |  5 Pagesentire nation. John Fitzgerald Kennedy was the 35th President, who took office on January 20, 1961- but before that Kennedy was a World War II hero, a United States Senator, and published a book titled Profiles of Courage which won him a Pulitzer Prize (www.famouspeople.com). John F. Kennedy possessed traits that allowed him to guide the country through three major geopolitical events that could have been disastrous if a lesser man was the leader of the free world. John Fitzgerald Kennedy went on toRead MoreJohn F. Kennedy Inaugural Address1099 Words   |  5 Pagesbrighter than one of our own presidents. It was January 20, 1962 when John Fitzgerald Kennedy took stage to be the thirty-fifth president of the United States. Wr itten by Kennedy in late November of 1960, his inauguration speech goes to explain the various changes of the world as Kennedy campaigned to â€Å"get the country moving again.† His speech begins to address the differences of the generations as he wants to â€Å"pass the torch.† Kennedy expresses various ways of getting people together which he basesRead MoreJohn F. Kennedy Hero Essay1547 Words   |  7 PagesJohn Fitzgerald Kennedy: A Deserving Hero â€Å"Leadership is the capacity to translate vision into reality† (Bennis). During his life, John F. Kennedy took his innovative and thoughtful ideas and brought them to life. Born on May 29th, 1917 in Brookline, Massachusetts, the Kennedys were a wealthy Irish-American family that was very involved with the politics of Massachusetts. Raised with a silver spoon in his mouth, Kennedy was the son of Joseph P. Kennedy, an American ambassador to Britain duringRead MoreWas The Assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy a Conspiracy?794 Words   |  4 Pages Was The Assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy a Conspiracy? On November 22nd, 1963 at 12:30 p.m in Dallas, Texas, one of the most horrific events in American History took place. The assassination of John F. Kennedy. Crowds were cheering as JFK was on a ten mile route that would pass through Dallas, Texas. John Kennedy was in the back seat of a 1961 four door Lincoln Continental convertible when this tragic event occurred. The driver took a left off of Main street passing by the Texas SchoolRead MoreThe Life and Legacy of John F. Kennedy867 Words   |  3 PagesJohn Fitzgerald Kennedy was born May 29, 1917 in Brookline Massachusetts. He was the second son born to Joseph Patrick and Rose Fitzgerald Kennedy. Despite being born into Boston’s wealthy Irish population, the family was not accepted into the Boston’s Protestant elite. This was due to the opinion of the Boston Brahmins, who perceived the Kennedy’s to still be mere Irish immigrants. Even though earlier relatives Thomas Fitzgerald and Patrick Kennedy emigrated from Ireland to Boston in 1845 and 1848Read MoreBrief Summary of John F. Kennedy ´s Life1017 Words   |  5 Pageshappen to be John Fitzgerald Kennedy of the United States of America. John Fitzgerald Kennedy very prosperous leader was his speeches that he gave to the american people and to the world trying to make the world a much higher quality place to live. He also asked the american people â€Å"Ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.† John Fitzgerald Kennedy was born May 29, 1917 in Brookline, Ma. He was born into a very wealthy family the Fitzgerald and the Kennedy’s

The Assassination of Julius Caesar - 1768 Words

Wendy Voong History 101 J.Duran 24 October 2014 The Assassination of Julius Caesar â€Å"The Assassination of Julius Caesar† by Michael Parenti goes into details about the events that lead up to the death of Caesar due to class conflicts. In 44 BC, the assassination of Julius Caesar was lead by conspiring members of the Roman senate who wanted to remove the dictator, who was increasingly acquiring power, and to revive the Republic government. Parentis book protests against the gentlemen historians and the class society that they used to describe the assassination of Julius Caesar. His book also gives us insight about the Late Republic and takes us through the events that were presented in the actions of†¦show more content†¦History was written from the elite perspective because they had the money and the time to do. For example, all political decisions were made by the Senate and the Senate was made up of the rich, wealthy, aristocrats. The Senate were the one who determined farm policy, appointed governors, controlled the republic and the deploymen t of army, appointed military commander, and so much more. Some people wondered how the Senate got elected. The answer is that they were self elected and self appointed because they had the power to do so. Many people who were part of the assembly were wealthy too because many voting units went to the rich, while the proletarian only had a couple votes. The wealthy did not carry any financial burdens because they didn’t have to pay taxes. In fact, their wealth increased through the government. The rich would lend money to the state, and when the state paid back, it was with interest. Just like in todays generations, definite spending and regressive taxes result in the same redistribution of income. Elections in the past are very similar to elections in the modern world. Parenti even stated that â€Å"Elections were contested by candidates who were either wealthy themselves or were bankrolled by wealthy backers† (Parenti 52). Of course, in order to win these elections, candidates often used bribery. He continues by stating that in order for one to increase their chances of winning is byShow MoreRelatedThe Assassination of Julius Caesar1325 Words   |  6 Pagesstrength to fear, dictatorship, and voraciousness. These powerful aristocrats were emperors, sat on the top of Rome’s social order, but many of these emperors abused their status and ability. Roman emperors’ history was all mixed ingredients of love, assassination, vengeance, terror, voracity, jealousy, and haughtiness. The first century AD of the Roman Empire became a perilous period of imperialism because hereditary rule. 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The death of Julius Caesar allowed Gaius Julius Octavius who would later be given the title Augustus by the senate, to enter the political realm of Rome by accepting his inherited power. But before Augustus could gain any control in Rome he had to defeat his opposition, Mark Antony who also sought to gain control of Rome at the time. Augustus managed to defeatRead MoreThe Assassination of Julius Caesar Essay1528 Words   |  7 PagesThe Assassination of Julius Caesar The assassination of Julius Caesar in 44BC by conspiring members of the Roman senate was an effort to remove a dictator whose power had grown to extraordinary levels and to revive the Republic government. Caesar’s power span throughout the entire Roman Empire, which during his reign extended from present day Syria, down into parts of Africa, over to Spain, most of France and all of Italy. He had the favor of the people, military and most of the Roman governmentRead MoreThe Assassination Of Julius Caesar As A Roman Dictator1086 Words   |  5 PagesJulius Caesar was a Roman Dictator who was both loved and hated by those that he ruled over. Throughout the world, he has been written about in a variety of different ways and is portrayed as a politician as well as a selfish dictator. Three â€Å"firsthand† accounts that were written to give us a better understanding of Julius Caesar were â€Å"The Assassination of Julius Caesar†, â€Å"Tranquillus, Gaius Suetoniusà ¢â‚¬ , and â€Å"Plutarch, The Assassination of Julius Caesar, from Marcus Brutus†. We will explore the writingsRead MoreThe Assassination Of Julius Caesar By Michael Parenti961 Words   |  4 PagesNicholas Okada 10/21/14 APWH Period 4 Book Review: The Assassination of Julius Caesar by Michael Parenti In The Assassination of Julius Caesar, Michael Parenti highlights the many significant people and events that characterized the late Roman Republic. Specifically, he focuses on the time period between the election of Tiberius Grachus, to the rise of Augustus, the first emperor of Rome. In this account of history, Parenti presents the social, political, and economic aspects of the Roman cultureRead MoreJulius Caesar s Assassination On Rome, Politically And Socially1717 Words   |  7 PagesThis investigation evaluates the question, to what extent did Julius Caesar s assassination affect Rome, politically and socially. Gaius Julius Caesar, famously known for his brilliant military strategies and shrewd political expertise, helped transform the Roman Republic into one of the greatest civilization in the western world. During his reign, Julius Ceasar expanded Rome’s geographical territory across Ancient Europe immensely, conquering areas of present-day France and Britain. The i nvestigationRead MoreJustification of Caesar’s Assassination in Shakespeares The Tragedy of Julius Caesar878 Words   |  3 PagesWilliam Shakespeare, wrote the play The Tragedy of Julius Caesar. The story takes place toward the end of the Roman Republic in 44 BC in Ancient Rome. The play follows the words and actions of the Roman senators, plebeians and their emperor Julius Caesar. As the story begins, readers find out the many of the senators are not pleased with Caesar as a ruler of the Roman people. Two characters, Brutus and Cassius are especially passionate about killing Caesar to end his rule. 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A man with that much power can only hurt a nation. Julius Caesar was a blood thirsty man. He fought everyone he could just to extend Rome. (Julius Caesar. ) He savagely killed anyone that got in his way. Many may say that he was

Traditional Healing System free essay sample

This chapter describes two ethnomedical systems (the North American Navajo tradition and the South American Peruvian Pachakuti curanderismo) in terms of two different models, one designed by Siegler and Osmond (1974), and one designed by a task force of the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH). Each of these indigenous systems are found to be comprehensive, covering each facet of the models, and pointing the way for possible collaboration between allopathic biomedicine and various indigenous systems of healing, a project that has accelerated due to public demand (Iljas, 2006, p. 90). The term â€Å"ethnomedicine† refers to the comparative study of indigenous (or traditional) medical systems. Typical ethnomedical topics include causes of sickness, medical practitioners and their roles, and specific treatments utilized. The explosion of ethnomedical literature has been stimulated by an increased awareness of the consequences of the forced displacement and/or acculturation of indigenous peoples, the recognition of indigenous health concepts as a means of maintaining ethnic identities, and the search for new medical treatments and technologies. In addition, Kleinman (1995) finds ethnographic studies an â€Å"appropriate means of representing pluralism and of drawing upon those aspects of health and suffering to resist the positivism, the reductionism, and the naturalism that biomedicine and, regrettably, the wider society privilege†(p. 195). In his exhaustive study of cross-cultural practices, Torrey (1986) concluded that effective treatment inevitably contains one or more of four fundamental principles: 1. A shared world view that makes the diagnosis or naming process possible; 2. Certain personal qualities of the practitioner that appear to facilitate the patients recovery; 3. Positive patient expectations that assist recovery; 4. A sense of mastery that empowers the patient. If a traditional medical system yields treatment outcomes that its society deems effective, it is worthy of consideration by allopathic biomedical investigators, especially those who are aware of the fact that less than 20 percent of the world’s population are serviced by allopathic biomedicine (Mahler, 1977; Freeman, 2004; O’Connor, 1995). However, what is considered to be â€Å"effective† varies from society to society (Krippner, 2002). Allopathic biomedicine places its emphasis upon â€Å"curing† (removing the symptoms of an ailment and restoring a patient to health), while traditional medicine focuses upon â€Å"healing† (attaining wholeness of body, mind, emotions, and/or spirit). Some patients might be incapable of being â€Å"cured† because their sickness is terminal. Yet those same patients could be â€Å"healed† mentally, emotionally, and/or spiritually as a result of the practitioner’s encouragement to review their life, to find meaning in it, and to become reconciled to death. Those who have been â€Å"cured,† on the other hand, may be taught procedures that will prevent a relapse or recurrence of their symptoms. An emphasis upon prevention is a standard aspect of traditional medicine, and is becoming an important part of biomedicine as well (Freeman, 2004; Krippner Welch, 1992). A differentiation can also be made between â€Å"disease† and â€Å"illness. † From either the biomedical or the ethnomedical point of view, one can conceptualize â€Å"disease† as a mechanical difficulty of the body resulting from injury or infection, or from an organism’s imbalance with its environment. Illness,† however, is a broader term implying dysfunctional behavior, mood disorders, or inappropriate thoughts and feelings. These behaviors, moods, thoughts, and feelings can accompany an injury, infection, or imbalance—or can exist without them. Thus, one may refer to a â€Å"diseased brain† rather than an â€Å"ill brai n,† but use the phrase of â€Å"mental illness† rather than of â€Å"mental disease. † Cassell (1979) goes so far as to claim that allopathic biomedicine treats disease but not illness; â€Å"physicians are trained to practice a technological medicine in which disease is their sole concern and in which technology is their only weapon† (p. 8). Healing models The Siegler-Osmond Model Comparisons between biomedicine and ethnomedicine can be made utilizing hypothetical structures such as the 12-faceted model proposed by Siegler and Osmond (1974). In the social and behavioral sciences, a â€Å"model† is an explicit or implicit explanatory structure that underlies a set of organized group behaviors. Their use in science attempts to improve understanding of the process they represent. Models have been constructed to describe human conflict, competition, and cooperation. Models have been proposed to explain mental illness, personality dynamics, and family interactions. I have modified the Siegler-Osmond model, making it applicable to both â€Å"physical† and â€Å"mental† disorders, although traditional practitioners usually do not differentiate between the two. The utility of the Siegler-Osmond model can be demonstrated by comparing a shamanic medical model, an eclectic folk healing model, and the allopathic biomedical model on 12 dimensions: 1. Diagnosis 2. Etiology 3. Patient’s behaviour 4. Treatment 5. Prognosis . Death and suicide 7. Function of the institution 8. Personnel 9. Rights and duties of the patient 10. Rights and duties of the family 11. Rights and duties of the society 12. Goal of the model. The Navaho Indian healing model The Navaho healing system serves as an example of the application of the Siegler and Osmond model. The term â€Å"Navaho† (or â€Å"Navajo†) is used by anthropologists to refer to the largest Native American tribe in the United States; the Navaho reservation in the south west part of the country comprises 16 million acres. The word â€Å"Navaho† is derived from the Spanish term for people with big fields,† but in their own language, they call themselves the Dineh people. They are members of the southern Athapaskan linguistic group and occupy plateau areas of north eastern Arizona, overlapping into New Mexico and Utah. Geertz (1973) points out that the entire lifestyle of a culture is built upon its mythic view of â€Å"reality. † The Navaho ethic values â€Å"calm deliberativeness, untiring persistence, and dignified caution† and the Navahos view nature as tremendously powerful, mechanically regular, and highly dangerous† (p. 30). While the dominant U. S. culture attempts to â€Å"tame nature,† the Navaho worldview seeks to live in respectful harmony with it. Theories of sickness and methods of healing make up a large part of this great counterpoint focused on harmony: The stricken patient is given a vocabulary in terms of which to grasp the nature of his or her distress and relate it to the wider world (Geertz, 1973), providing an explanation, and converting energy into a form that can heal. Sandner (1979) has identified the most important values in Navaho mythology as the acquisition of supernatural power (notably for the maintenance of health), the preservation of harmony in family relationships, and the achievement of adult status. However, this status operates in tandem with cooperation with and respect for other family, clan, and community members. The diagnosis is made by the Navaho diagnostician in consultation with the patient and the patients family, all of whom work together in determining the cause of sickness. The role of the medicine man in diagnosis is usually limited, as he later carries out instructions given by the diviner (Sandner, 1979). Navahos have constructed three major diagnostic categories of mental illness. â€Å"Moth craziness† is characterized by fits of uncontrolled behavior (e. g. , jumping into the fire like a moth), rage, violence, and convulsions; it is attributed to incestual activities. â€Å"Crazy violence† has some of the same external manifestations as â€Å"moth craziness† but is due to alcoholism. â€Å"Ghost sickness,† ascribed to sorcery, manifests in nightmares, loss of appetite, dizziness, confusion, panic, and extreme anxiety. When someone knowingly or accidentally breaches taboos or offends dangerous powers, the natural order of the universe is ruptured and â€Å"contamination† or â€Å"infection† occurs that must be redressed. Etiology is seen as the intrusion of a harmful agent that destroys the natural harmony between individuals and their surroundings, especially in circumstances of exposure to lightning, whirlwinds, or such animals as bear, deer, coyotes, porcupines, snakes, and eagles that are inappropriately trapped, killed, or eaten. Sometimes these harmful agents appear in frightening, ominous dreams. Contact with spirits of the dead is especially hazardous, as is sorcery. The diviner, the medicine man, the patient, and the patient’s family work together in determining the cause of sickness (Sander, 1979). The patients behavior determines what type of â€Å"Chant Way† will be utilized in his or her treatment. A person who is unable to resolve grief, who harbors fears of accidents, and who speaks of chest pains usually will be told to have an â€Å"Evil Way† ceremony. The patients dreams are important as a diagnostic aid; the most ominous dreams are those of being burned, falling off a cliff, and drowning; dreams of dead relatives are especially portentous. During treatment, the Navaho hataalii (or â€Å"singing† shaman) utilizes a number of therapeutic procedures, most notably one or more of the 10 basic â€Å"Chant Ways† and their accompanying sand paintings. These are complex rituals that center on cultural myths in which heroes or heroines once journeyed to spiritual realms to acquire special knowledge. The symptoms for which a given chant is prescribed are based on connections with the specific chant myth. For example, the â€Å"Hail Way† is prescribed for muscular tiredness and soreness because the hero, Rain Boy, suffered from these symptoms when he was attacked by his enemies; the â€Å"Big Star Way† protects the patient against the powerful influences of the stars and the dangers of the night. The â€Å"Night Way† is said to be useful for blindness, deafness, and mental illness because the â€Å"Night Way† hero confronted each of these dangers. The â€Å"Beauty Way† is used for rheumatism, sore throats, digestive and urinary problems, and skin diseases—difficulties faced by the chant hero. Ritual chanting takes a multi-modal approach that contributes to its effectiveness. The repetitive nature and mythic content is easily deciphered and often repeated at appropriate times by those patients well-versed in tribal mythology. According to Sandner (1979): â€Å"The visual images of the sand paintings and the body painting, the audible recitation of prayers and songs, the touch of the prayer sticks and the hands of the medicine man, the taste of the ceremonial musk and herbal medicines, and the smell of the chant incense—all combine to convey the power of the chant to the patient† (p. 15). The hataalii, among the Navahos a male practitioner, usually displays a highly developed dramatic sense in carrying out the chant but generally avoids the clever sleight of hand effects used by many other cultural healing practitioners to demonstrate their abilities to the community. The chant is considered by Sandner to facilitate suggestibility. It shifts attention through repetitive singing and the use of culture-specific mythic themes. These activities prepare participants for a lengthy healing ceremony that may involve mythic images and narratives enacted in purification rites or executed in â€Å"sand paintings† composed of sand, seeds, charcoal, and flowers. Some paintings, such as those used in a â€Å"Blessing Way,† are crafted from such ingredients as corn meal, flower petals, and charcoal. From a psychological perspective, the patients â€Å"translate† these â€Å"symbols† and â€Å"metaphors† as they sit on the painting, but from their own perspective, they are interacting with some of the basic forces and energies of nature. Six steps comprise the typical â€Å"Chant Way† ritual: preparation (in which the patient is â€Å"purified†), presentation of the patient to the healing spirits, evocation of these spirits to the place of the ceremony, identification of the patients with a positive mythic theme, transformation of the patients into a condition where ordinary and mythic time and space merge, and release from the mythic world and return to the everyday world where past transgressions are confessed, where new learnings are assimilated, and where life changes are brought to fruition. The hataalii’s performance empowers the patient by creating an alternative domain of consciousness—a â€Å"mythic reality†Ã¢â‚¬â€through the use of chants, dances, and songs (often accompanied by drums and rattles), masked dancers, purifications (e. g. , sweat baths, emetics, fumigants, lotions, herbal medicines, ritual bathing, sexual abstinence), and sand paintings. Within the context of this â€Å"mythic reality,† especially as made visible in the designs constructed in sand by the hataalii, the patient is taken into â€Å"sacred time† and is able to bring a total attentiveness to the healing ritual. The patient follows a specific regimen for the next four days to protect members of the community from his or her newly acquired powers. The role of the community is important in another way; the chants are attended by large numbers of people, many of whom might be asked to participate. This type of participation appears to increase the patients’ sense of personal power, magnify their imagination as they attend to the chants, providing social reinforcement and increased motivation. The mentation of the practitioner, the patient, and the community may all be affected by the ceremony. The hataalii is dusted with the decorated sand, and his patients claim to feel the power emanating from the painting. This procedure resembles the enhancement of imagination common to several hypnotic procedures, and is probably further augmented by the repetitive chanting. In addition to the â€Å"Chant Way,† there are other rituals used by the hataalii, one of which is a prayer session. For example, sacred corn pollen may be sacrificed during a time of prayer in an attempt to please the spirits needed to heal the patient: This ritual must be performed perfectly and behind locked doors, often at the patient’s home. The setting for treatment usually is the Hogan, a specially constructed octagon with log walls, sealed with mud adobe. The door opens to the East, and a hole in the center of the domed ceiling lets the smoke out. Men sit on the North, women and children on the South; the sand painting occupies most of the floor, and the patient sits in the center with family and friends nearby. The door to the darkened Hogan is fastened to prevent the prayer from escaping. Sharpened flints are used to expel the evil from both the patient and the Hogan. These procedures reduce the patients symptoms at the same time as they stabilize the social and emotional condition of the community. For example, the hataalii instructs the family to make elaborate preparations for their forthcoming â€Å"house call. † Upon arriving, the patients are told that the prognosis is excellent, thus fostering positive expectations (Torrey, 1986). The most important people in the patients life often join in the prayers, reaffirming the belief that the patient will recover. Prognosis, to a large degree, depends upon the attitude of the patient. A Navaho practitioner told Sandner (1979): â€Å"If the patient really has confidence in me, then he gets cured. If a person gets bitten by a snake, for example, certain prayers and songs can be used, but if the patient doesn’t have enough confidence, then the cure wont work† (pp. 17 18). Premature death and suicide are attributed to sorcery, the return of the dead, or to the presence of outsiders. Kluckhohn (Kluckhohn Leighton, 1962) noted that funeral rituals are designed to prevent or discourage dead persons from returning to threaten their relatives. The fear of spirit possession is connected with the fear of ghosts, spirits, and the dead. High suicide rates are associated with Navaho communities marked by loss of tribal identity. When a sick persons family has determined that a practitioner is necessary, a hataalii is called in, frequently accompanied by an herbalist and/or a diagnostician (both of whom are of lower status). There are some 200 plants in the Navaho pharmacopoeia and the herbalists gather these plants and make medicines, some of which are used directly, and some of which are used ceremonially by the hataalii. The diagnosticians, or â€Å"diviners,† are usually women who â€Å"listen† to the spirits and typically provide a statement of the problem. This procedure may be accompanied by such diagnostic procedures as hand trembling, star gazing, candle gazing, and crystal gazing—all of which involve the inward focusing of the practitioners attention, with the purpose of facilitating insight as to the nature of the problem. Every hataalii must go through a long and arduous period of training and apprenticeship; they must earn the approval of their teachers and their community by demonstrating that they can perform successfully (Sandner, 1979). The â€Å"singing shaman’s† memory must be impeccable; the effort required to learn one major chant has been compared to that of obtaining a university degree (Sandner, 1979). A patient with a break or fracture is usually sent to an allopathic practitioner, although Sandner observed a Navaho specialist set broken bones â€Å"in a true scientific manner† (p. 8). In the Navaho system, the patients first priority is that of treatment, and they assume the role of cooperating with the practitioner by taking an active part in their diagnosis and treatment. The major priority of the patients family is to seek diagnosis and treatment for its indisposed family members, seeking qualified personnel. It is the family’s role to determine payment, an important responsibility because some Chant Ways last for several days and the fee may exceed several months’ salary. The major priority of the patients community is to support the sick patient. This is done by attending the Chant Way and facilitating his or her treatment. The community plays the role of preserving traditions and training new practitioners. This latter task is difficult, given the high cost of apprenticeships, especially for the hataalii. The goal of this healing model is integration within the framework of cosmic harmony, and the rejection of the effects of sorcery which are seen as alien to this harmony (Sandner, 1979). According to Kluckhohn (1962), the Navahos are â€Å"generations ahead† of U. S. physicians in treating the whole person. The goal of Navaho healing is to restore the patients harmony with his or her family, clan and universe. The U. S. office of alternative medicine model In April 1995, the Office of Alternative Medicine (OAM) of the United States National Institutes of Health (NIH) held a conference on research methodology (OConnor, Calabrese, Cardena, Eisenberg, Fincher, Hufford, Jonas, Kaptchuck, Martin, Scott, Zhang, 1997). The charge of this conference was to evaluate research needs in the field of complementary and alternative medicine (CAM), and several working groups were created to produce consensus statements on a variety of essential topics. The panel on definition and description accepted a dual charge: to establish a definition of the field of complementary and alternative medicine for purposes of identification and research; to identify factors critical to a thorough and unbiased description of CAM systems, one that would be applicable to both quantitative and qualitative research. The panel defined CAM as follows: Complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) is a broad domain of healing resources that encompasses all health systems, modalities, and practices and their accompanying theories and beliefs, other than those intrinsic to the politically dominant health system of a particular society or culture in a given historical period. CAM includes all such practices and ideas self-defined by their users as preventing or treating illness or promoting health and well being. Boundaries within CAM and between the CAM domain and the domain of the dominant system are not always sharp or fixed. OConnor et al. , 1997) The second charge of the panel was to establish a list of parameters for obtaining thorough descriptions of CAM systems. The list was constructed on 14 categories first conceptualized by Hufford (1995, p. 54ff): 1. Lexicon. What are the specialized terms in the system? 2. Taxonomy. What classes of health and sickness does the system recognize and address? 3. Epistemology. How was the body of knowledge derived? 4. Theories. What are the key mechanisms understood to be? 5. Goals for Interventions. What are the primary goals of the system? 6. Outcome Measures. What constitutes a successful intervention? 7. Social Organization. Who uses and who practices the system? 8. Specific Activities. What do the practitioners do? What do they use? 9. Responsibilities. What are the responsibilities of the practitioners, patients, families, and community members? 10. Scope. How extensive are the system’s applications? 11. Analysis of Benefits and Barriers. What are the risks and costs of the system? 12. Views of Suffering and Death. How does the system view suffering and death? 13. Comparison and Interaction with Dominant System. What does this system provide that the dominant system does not provide? How does this system interact with the dominant system? The 14th category regards research methods and it not appropriate for this essay, one which focuses on descriptions. Peruvian Curanderismo The OAM categories can be illustrated with an Andean ethnomedical system, namely Pachakuti (i. e. , â€Å"world reversal† or â€Å"transformation†) Mesa Curanderismo, a tradition deeply rooted in the Huachuma and Paqokuna traditions and blended with aspects of Paqokuna Curanderismo. They have been adapted to become accessible to the industrialized world by Oscar Miro-Quesada of the Pachakuti Mesa tradition. I have discussed this system with two of its leading English-speaking practitioners, Oscar Miro-Quesada (2002) and his student Matthew Magee (2002). In addition, I have observed Magee perform two ritualistic Mesa ceremonies. Because of its complexity and sophistication, this system can be described in terms of the OAM categories (OConnor et al. , 1997): 1. Lexicon. Specialized terms come from Spanish, Aymara (an Andean language), and two forms of assimilated Quechua language, the â€Å"rural† form (i. e. , Runasimi) and the â€Å"high† form (i. . , Khapaqsimi)—the latter spoken by royalty or people in positions of power. In describing the ethnomedical and social communitary function of Peruvian Curanderismo, however, it is important to note that several terms have changed over time. For example, the contemporary terms used to describe the shaman and the sorcerer are maestro and brujo, respectively. However, if one tra ces the lineage of the Pachakuti Mesa tradition, one would find the terms curandero and malero (post-Conquest), hampiq and layqa (Inca pre-Conquest), and kamasqa and sonqoyog (pre-Inca) as well. There are also variations between charismatic and non-charismatic healers and, most recently, between Pachakuti Mesa practitioners and neo-shamanic practitioners. 2. Taxonomy. The Pachakuti Mesa tradition recognizes and addresses a wide variety of physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual classes of health and sickness (Magee, 2002). Within this system, there are several types of ailments, and Spanish words are used to describe them: enfermedad de dano (a sickness caused by human intention), enfermedad de Dios (a God-given sickness), contagio (contagious sickness), and encantos (sickness caused by enchantment). Examples of the most common, enfermedad de dano, include harmful intention directed toward the ears (por oreja), through the mouth (por boca), through the air (por aire), or by loss of ones â€Å"etheric body† or soul (sombra). The latter is typically brought about by susto or espanto (i. e. , magical shock or fright). More extreme is shucaque, or fright by trauma. In addition, there are sicknesses caused by envy and the â€Å"evil eye† (por mal de ojo) and by an evil wind† (mal aire). The ritual encounter between the patient and the practitioner can be viewed as a dialogue about dano in which the shaman (i. . , curandero or curandera) uses a persuasive rhetoric (in speech and in song) in conjunction with ritualized activities to transform the patients self-understanding, hence his or her well-being. Most physical ailments fall into the category, enfermedad de Dios. In many traditions, practitioners do not deal with these conditions, but Pachakuti Mesa shamans are an exception. The visual symptoms of a God-given sickness are similar to the vista en virtud (â€Å"sight in virtue and power†) that practitioners manifest after ingesting the San Pedro cactus, a mind-altering substance. As a result these symptoms rarely show up in the campo medio, the â€Å"middle field† of the practitioners healing altar, when he or she is performing a diagnostic rastero (i. e. , divination or â€Å"tracking†). 3. Epistemology. When tracing the origins of the Pachakuti Mesa tradition back through its oral lineage within Peruvian shamanism, one must go back to the Sechin culture, as well as the later Chavin, Tiahuanacu, Paracas, Nasca, Moche, Lambayeque, Chimu, Wari, Inca (or Inka), Aymara, Runa (or Quechua), and Mestiso traditions. Although archeological discoveries in the 1980s suggest that Peru’s central highlands were inhabited from 8,000 BCE and the origins of Peru’s shamanic technology can be traced back at least to 2,000 BCE, many practitioners believe that Mesa-related healing practices were utilized far earlier. 4. Theories. When working with a Mesa, a practitioners healing altar, the key mechanisms are believed to be his or her ability to control and direct unseen forces and entities. This is accomplished through proper utilization of the â€Å"field of the magician† (campo ganadero) as well as the â€Å"field of the mystic† (campo justiciero). Mastery of these two skills allows the practitioner to surrender his or her personal will or agenda, becoming an open, transparent vessel for Spirit to flow through, unhindered. The mastery of these â€Å"fields† is symbolized on either side of the Mesa, while the practitioner, as Master Healer or maestro, resides in the middle (campo medio). The healer also works with a supernatural hierarchy through a process of co-creation with Spirit. This hierarchy is believed to be a unified, interdependent system that provides practitioners with limitless sources of guidance and power. These sources include the Apukuna (Sacred Mountains), Huaringas (Sacred Highland Lagoons), Pachamama (Mother Earth), Mama Killa (Grandmother Moon), Inti Tayta (Father Sun), Auquis (Nature Spirits), Tirakuna (the â€Å"Watchers†), Mallquis (Tree Spirits), Machukuna (Ancestors), Machula Aulanchis (Benevolent â€Å"Old Ones†), tutelary animal allies, the elements of nature (e. g. , unu, wayra, nina, allpa), and various Roman Catholic saints (e. . , San Cipriano of Antioch, Brother Martin de Porres). Working with these sources requires a delicate balance, not only through the practitioners negotiation of control and surrender, but through living a lifestyle that reflects this balance (ayni or â€Å"sacred reciprocity†). Training involves a culturally sanctioned â€Å"calling† into the tradition. When a maestro passes on hi s or her knowledge or bequeaths ones practice to an initiate, there is an initiatory phenomenon (karpays) and a â€Å"magical contract† (pacto magico). . Goals for Interventions. Healing is a spiritual phenomenon. Sickness is considered to have its origin in, and gain its meaning from, the Spirit world. The purpose of life itself is to be initiated into the visionary regions of Spirit and to maintain oneself in concert with all creation (Achterberg, 1985). Hence, the goal for intervention in Pachakuti Mesa Curanderismo is a successful florecimiento (â€Å"flowering of fortune† healing ritual) that is used to strengthen a persons physical and spiritual systems. Strengthening a patients runa kurku kanchay (â€Å"luminous body†), as opposed to suppressing the symptom, empowers the patient to remove the sickness-causing intrusion with his or her own innate healing capacities. Once the patients personal power has been augmented, there is often a need to go further. This is especially true if the problem is extreme, as in â€Å"soul loss,† â€Å"possession,† â€Å"enchantments,† and potent acts of dano (e. g. , curses, certain types of contagion). In these cases, there is often a need to intervene on behalf of a patient with specific techniques for removal in the form of extraction (chupa), or counteracting the attack through ritual battle (volteando, volteada, or botando in which the curse is thrown back to its sender). Successful interventions of this kind usually completely disperse the patients negative condition and symptoms, and generate sickness in the person who initiated the curse. Depending on the original severity of the curse, death of the sorcerer has been known to occur. 6. Outcome Measures. A successful intervention is gauged primarily by the quality of the florecimiento, which brings about the energetic restoration or supplementation of a persons potentials. This â€Å"flowering† of dormant potentialities brings forth qualities in the person necessary to maintain a sustainable livelihood. 7. Social Organization. Depending on the level of shamanic mastery attained, practitioners will be assigned various civic units of geographical space in which to work, ranging from the ayllu (extended family or community), to the llaqta (village or town), and finally the suyu (region). A curandero (or curandera) performs shamanic functions in this system. They include working with sicknesses brought about by sorcery, imbalance, envy, etc. , providing insight into conditions of the harvest, resolving interpersonal conflicts, influencing the weather, finding lost items (as well as lost persons or souls), and attending to a variety of spiritual, mental, emotional, and physical conditions. These healing sessions are primarily conducted on Tuesdays and Fridays. The curandero (or curandera) also performs specific ceremonial services for the community, such as providing ritual feedings (offrendas, despachos, or haywarikuys) for Pachamama (Mother Earth), the Apukuna (Sacred Mountains), and various supernatural beings (such as the â€Å"Watchers,† Nature Spirits, Tree Spirits, the Ancestors, the Benevolent â€Å"Old Ones†). A despacho or haywarikuy is a ritual offering used to promote a reciprocal exchange of thanks between human communities and the natural world. In the Paqokuna tradition, the pampa misayoq (ritual specialist) may learn to create and perform several hundred different types of despacho or haywarikuy ceremonial rituals. The performances are quite diverse and comprise 24 basic elements (recados) in the form of plant, animal, mineral, and human made products. All of these elements are reverently arranged on a square sheet of paper and either burned or buried as a way to promote the lifestyle of ayna (sacred reciprocity). There are offerings for births, deaths, marriages, good luck, prosperity, longevity, and harvests, to name a few. It is also common for practitioners to use despachos to bless certain spaces, such as living quarters, work places, and sacred sites. There are various types of curanderos and curanderas, e. g. , the alto misayoq (herbalists), the pampa misayoq (ritual specialists), and the kuraq akulleq (literally, â€Å"master chewers of coca†). The latter is considered to have attained the highest level of mastery and rank within the shamanic hierarchy. Both males (curanderos) and females (curanderas) are employed as healing practitioners in this tradition. The services of a brujo (or sorcerer) can be purchased to adversely affect the health of a rival, or to assure success in business, love, and other aspects of personal gain. The person who has â€Å"hired† a brujo may reveal this fact to an ally, who will subsequently pass the news along a network that eventually leads to the intended target. Similarly, the curandero’s or curanderas analysis of the source of a patient’s suffering is often a topic of subsequent conversation between social intimates of the patient; this is also true of the countermeasures (e. g. , the volteada or ritual in which sorcery is reversed) often used by the shaman. Potential patients for both the curandero and brujo include most of the members of the community, but when seeking medical assistance from the curandero, patients also commonly see both a curandero and an allopathic physician, often not openly discussing their visit to the former. This reluctance to reveal utilization of the indigenous healing system applies to any member of the social system, from the wealthy business executive to the poor farmer. Patients of curanderos and brujos include owners of businesses, political office holders, educators, military officers, and even a few medical professionals. These persons are willing to spend significant amounts of money and subject themselves to physically exhausting ritual treatments because they have shared with curanderos the belief that sorcery can be the cause of sickness. The majority of patients for both the curandero and brujo are women. This may be due to the inferior role of the female as a subordinate within the public transcript of male privileged society (e. g. , the values of machismo which support gender-based hierarchies, and the subsequent psychological and social conflicts that arise as a result). Through the sorcerer, women can gain access to powers that guarantee spousal fidelity (e. g. , â€Å"love magic†), thus eliminating the competition (e. g. , dano). Even the apprehension that a woman might pursue this alternative can act as an effective sanction. The curandero, on the other hand, provides women with the means to redress wrongs and to hold men accountable for their actions. 8. Specific Activities. a. Diagnosis: Diagnosis can be carried out through a variety of activities, for example, a rastreo (divining and tracking), coca leaf divination, reading the entrails of a guinea pig, or casting shells, etc. However, the source of diagnosis most commonly utilized in healing situations by Huachuma curanderos is the San Pedro cactus. The entheogenic San Pedro imbues the healer with vista en virtud (virtue, vision, and insight), which enables him or her to diagnose not only the illness, aliment, or disease of a patient, but often the source of said illness, aliment, or disease and specific ways to cure it. The curandero’s mesa (personal healing altar) also plays a vital role in the divinatory process of diagnosis, e. g. , by speaking to the curandero through the cuenta (the history, story, narrative, or â€Å"account†) of a specific piece or pieces. There are also practitioners who will â€Å"read† the energy of a person’s poq’po or wayrari (so-called â€Å"electromagnetic energy field†) to detect imbalances or deficiencies within that energy field and as a means for diagnosis. Ultimately, the above forms of diagnosis are highly effective and are commonly referred to by anthropologists because of the mystical flavor of shamanic healing arts. However, one must not overlook the curandero’s keen ability to observe with his or her senses (e. g. , simply observing how a person looks, smells, feels, interacts with the world). Curanderos will also often check a person’s tongue, nose, eyes, ears, glands, etc. , as a means for diagnosis. The combination of practical and mystical forms of diagnosis have availed the curandero with a high degree of accuracy regarding diagnosis. b. Treatment: The various modes of treatment employed by the curandero are as diverse as the conditions requiring treatment. However, nearly all treatments involve the use of a mesa (healing altar). A mesa is the sacred healing altar of a curandero, one that works in mediation with spiritual and cosmic forces for ritual healing. It is a microcosmic embodiment of a macrocosmic reality. This shamanic altar contains ritually empowered objects, which are aesthetically arranged on a sacred textile (unkhunas) to reflect the system of medicine employed by its carrier, e. g. , his or her lineage, cosmological background, animal allies, spirit guides, personal apukuna and huaringas (sacred mountains and lagoons). There are four kinds of objects primarily incorporated into a Pachakuti Mesa: khuyas (sacred stones), sepkas (power objects), estrellas (gifts from the spirits of the mountains), and enqas (totem fetishes). Among these, it is also common to find batas, palos, and espadas (staffs, sticks, and swords used for protection), florecimientos, (extractions, infusions, ritual battle), pututus (conch shells used to â€Å"call in† spiritual assistance and loosen blocks in an person’s body), seguros (good luck charms, protection pieces), rumikuna or khuyas (stones used for healing), condor feathers (used for directing energy and cleansing a person’s poq’po or energy field), huacos (objects and artifacts from Colonial and pre-Columbian times used to anchor specific energies into the medicine ground, often that of the ancestors), agua de Florida or agua de Kananga (colognes and perfumes, which are spayed through the mouth for cleansing and purification), rattles and whistles (to balance or bring in energy, commonly used when singing tarjos or medicine songs). It is also common to find candles, crosses, images of Roman Catholic saints, meteorites, ceremonially woven belts (chunpis), crystals, holy water, water from the melting ice of glaciers, San Pedro cactus, tobacco, coca leaves, singha (a combination of coca, tobacco, cane alcohol, and such perfumes as agua de florida, taboo, and siete poderes (which is imbibed through the nose), and incenses such as palo santo or copal. An herbal pharmacopoeia can occasionally be found as well. These objects (as well as the items specific to the individual mesa carrier) are arranged in a spatial configuration on the sacred textiles (unkhunas) and worked with to assist in the attainment of physical, emotional, spiritual, and mental integration and balance for the patient in the healing session. When a Pachakuti Mesa is used in ritual healing the distinction between the symbol and that which the symbol represents is dissolved. The objects arranged upon the mesa become the mountains, the rivers, the puma, or the empowered representation of the curandero’s own healing. Within this state of non-ordinary consciousness the line that delineates subject and object blurs, and the curandero is able to work with the mesa to bring about healing for the patient on an energetic level, which working at the source of the condition rather than through medicating the symptoms. Treatment also commonly involves incorporating the family members of the patient in the healing ceremony. This helps ensure that the patient will not only return to his or her community transformed, but he or she will return to a transformed community as well. Curanderos often find themselves acting simultaneously as apologists for, and avengers of, social injustices. 9. Responsibilities. a. Practitioner responsibilities: To attain a competent level of mastery through apprenticeship and experiential training, the aspiring practitioner must complete a series of rites of passage (karpays) governed by his or her teacher, elders and peers in the tradition, and the spiritual hierarchy. An example of the latter would be a demonstration of using coca leaves for diagnostic purposes. Once an apprentice is deemed qualified by his or her community, he or she may begin seeing patients on a small scale, but must build a solid reputation as a competent healer. This requires that the curandero consistently provide accurate diagnosis and effective treatment for the patients in need of healing. The curandero is also responsible to recommend alternative means for healing if he or she is not capable or does not specialize in the condition presented by the patient. In addition to being a qualified and capable healer, the curandero must also live a lifestyle of ayni, which reflects not the qualities of the tradition, but the living example of balance mirrored by nature and the living cosmos. This requires one to exist in uninterrupted communion with the spiritual hierarchy, to live as a perpetual student of life, and to continually deepen one’s relationship with the phenomenal world, with one’s internal world, and with the living universe around one. b. Patient responsibility: To be open and willing to participate in the healing being offered, as well as to be willing to implement the advice or prescription suggested by the curandero. The patient is also responsible to provide some form of reciprocal exchange for the healing service provided, either monetarily or through some form of barter or trade. c. Family responsibility: To be present for the healing ceremony if possible, and to provide support with the information gained from the healing session to ensure the patient is able to recover in an environment that supports this new, transformed paradigm. The family is also responsible for communicating this information to pertinent community members who can further reinforce the transformed living environment for the patient. The family is often responsible to help compensate the curandero, either through monetary means or through trade if the patient is unable to do so. d. Community responsibility: To be a supplemental presence of support for the patient and to reinforce the transformed living environment for the person in transition. 10. Scope. This type of Peruvian shamanism has been practiced over the millennium in remote, northern areas of Peru. This isolation has helped Pachakuti practitioners preserve their independence and their prerogatives. The apparent success of the Pachakuti system in its place of origin is an additional reason for its longevity. The scope of this healing system is comprehensive, as it is used for physical, mental, emotional, and spiritual problems. However, there are allopathic treatments and technologies that would bolster traditional medicine, and well-meaning curanderos and curanderas often endeavor to make referrals to a clinic or hospital (typically, at a distance) if that would help their patient. 11. Analysis of benefits and barriers. What are the risks and costs of the system? Due to the recent advances in allopathic medical technology, competition between biomedical organizations and indigenous systems is becoming more common. The boundaries that delineate these two systems, and the conditions they address, are often blurred. Poor people often turn to indigenous healers because biomedical treatments are too expensive. However, curanderos are not part of a recognized profession and therefore operate in legal and social marginality. Many curanderos experience harassment from local police, who use rarely enforced legal restrictions on non-licensed medical practitioners to extort protection payments. Church and civic officials have also been party to repressive measures against curanderos. Curanderos certainly recognize the tenuous position that they occupy in the Peruvian medical system. Some prefer to maintain a very low profile to avoid the notice of local officials, for example, by performing their ritual sessions in remote agricultural fields. Other curanderos bank on the support of well-connected patients to keep them out of trouble. 12. Views of suffering and death. This system holds that there is a basic continuity between life and death. When the physical body dies, life and death are not seen as separate, for life cannot exist without death. When the physical body dies it goes into the Earth and feeds it, giving life to the plants and trees. The plants feed the animals, who feed the Earth, ad infinitum, in a self-regulating interdependent relationship seen as the great web of life. All things are born from Pachamama (Mother Earth) and all things shall return to her. Views of the afterlife vary from practitioner to practitioner but most believe in life after the physical body dies. All in all, death is seen as a natural process, inseparable from life. Anthropologists have long noted that life’s transitions (i. e. , birth, death) are commonly marked by elaborate rituals, the purpose of which is to smooth the disruption to the social order that such status changes can cause. The body of the person undergoing the transition is often the target of symbolic manipulations: special decorations (e. g. , burial costumes) and purification (e. g. , cleansing). A particularly frequent symbolic message conveyed by these rituals is death and rebirth; the person is dying from the social status previously held and being born into a new identity. Indigenous rituals are reminiscent of hospital patients who put on the standardized garb required by the institution, as well as the strict fasting enforced before surgery, the cleansing processes requested of the patient as well as surgical staff, the process by which the patient’s vital signs and consciousness are taken to a death-like state, and the patients frequently cited post-surgery sense of being reborn. The fact that all these features have medical justifications and explanations does not diminish their potential symbolic impact. Much of the suffering experienced by Peruvians is attributed to acts of dano, or sorcery. This is especially potent in a society like that of Peru where personal relationships are critical to economic survival and where the powers of the sorcerer and the curandero are assumed to have empirically verifiable effects. Dano, as a threat or as an accepted diagnosis, can have serious social repercussions no matter how outsiders to the tradition might view the forces that the sorcerers claim to control. Peruvian society’s rigid social hierarchies make people increasingly dependent upon personal networks in order to survive. The resulting burden of economic self-interest loaded onto personal relationships has contributed to a social world in which mistrust inevitably accompanies interdependence. It should not be surprising, therefore, that social relations would be the assumed source of misfortune and suffering for rural Peruvians. This stands in contrast with traditional Andean attributions of sickness to natural forces and supernatural transgressions. 12. Comparison and Interaction with Dominant System. What does this system provide that the dominant system does not provide and how does this system interact with the dominant system? On the one hand, Miro-Quesada (2002) believes that global shamanism is an emerging phenomenon of the 21st century. The Pachakuti teachings are intended to empower all interested persons, allowing them to work with unseen forces in order to promote healing and balance through spiritual mediation. But on the other hand, the dominant role being played by allopathic biomedicine often rules out people’s interest and participation in an indigenous healing system (e. g. , Levi-Strauss, 1955). Conclusion On July 14, 2003, Matthew Magee performed a ritualistic ceremony on the top of Mount Tamalpais in Marin County, California, in the spirit of Kamasqa Curanderismo, one of the components of the Pachakuti Mesa tradition. This ceremony waves together several themes that expressed the participants reverence for the Earth as teacher and mother. Together, the group created a consecrated Earth offering (despacho) to foster a lifestyle of sacred reciprocity (ayni) and an awareness of lifes interdependence, calling upon participants to live harmoniously with oneself, with others, and with the planet as a whole. There are ecopsychologists who believe that healing the planet is basically a shamanic journey; if so, traditional medical systems can play a vital role in this endeavor. However, while herbal medicines, indigenous treatments, and shamanism are becoming faddish in the West, indigenous systems in their original contexts are becoming increasingly endangered. It is crucial to support indigenous cultures and learn what shamanism and related systems of healing have to offer the postmodern world before archival research in libraries replaces field research as the best available method for investigating these healing systems. Their longevity indicates that they have served many groups of eople quite well over the millennia. The question remains as to what they can offer a world where allopathic biomedicine is not only revered but also powerful, a world in which reality is constricted to measurable physical dimensions and alternative perspectives are dismissed as â€Å"folk psychology† (Kelly, Kelly, Crabtree, Gauld, Grosso, Gordon, 2007, p. 54). This discussion of Pachakuti and Navaho healing models has demonstrated the adaptability of many traditional healing systems to conditions in the contemporary world. The eclectic nature of the system bodes well not only for its survival but its compatibility with collegial practitioners of allopathic medicine. Finally, the ecological emphasis of the two systems provide inspiration for ecologists and their colleagues who agree with indigenous practitioners that the Earth is at risk, and that collaborative efforts are needed to redress the natural balance. References Achterberg, J. (1985). Imagery in healing: Shamanism and modern medicine. Boston: Shambhala. Cassell, E. J. (1979). The healer’s art. Middlesex, England: Penguin. Freeman, L. W. (2004). Mosby’s complementary alternative medicine: A research- based approach. St. Louis, MO: Mosby. Geertz, C. (1973). The interpretation of cultures. New York: Basic Books. Hufford, D. (1995). Cultural and social perspectives on alternative medicine: Background and assumptions. Alternative Therapies in Health and Medicine, 1(1), 53-61. Iljas, J. (2006). Introduction to psychology: Inner reality, outer reality in diversity. Dubuque, IA: Kendall/ Hunt. Kelly, E. F. , Kelly, E. W. , Crabtree, A. , Gauld, A. , Grosso, M. , Greyson, B. (2007). Irreducible mind: Toward a psychology for the 21st century. Plymouth, UK: Rowman Littlefield. Kleinman, A. (1995). Writing at the margin: Discourse between anthropology and medicine. Berkeley: University of California Press. Kluckhohn, C. , Leighton, D. (1962). The Navajo (rev. ed. ). Garden City, NJ: Natural History Library. Krippner, S. (2002). Spirituality and healing. In D. Moss, A. McGrady, T. C. Davis, I. Wickramasekera (Eds. ), Handbook of mind-body medicine for primary care (pp. 191-201). London: Sage. Krippner, S. , Welch, P. (1992). Spiritual dimensions of healing: From tribal shamanism to contemporary health care. New York: Irvington. Levi-Strauss, C. (1955). The structural study of myth. Journal of American Folklore, 78, 428-444. Magee, M. (2002). Peruvian shamanism: The Pachakuti mesa. Chelsford, MA: Middle Field. Mahler, H. (1977, November). The staff of Aesculapius. World Health, p. 3. Miro-Quesada, O. (2002). Foreword. In M. Magee, Peruvian shamanism: The Pachakuti mesa (pp. vii-viii). Chelsford, MA: Middle Field. O’Connor, B. B. (1995). Healing traditions: Alternative medicine and the health professions. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. O’Connor, B. B. , Calabrese, C. , Cardena, E. , Eisenberg, D. , Fincher, J. , Hufford, D. J. , Jonas, W. B. , Kaptchuck, T. , Martin, S. C. , Scott, A. W. , Zhang, X. (1997). Defining and describing complementary and alternative medicine. Alternative Therapies in Health and Medicine, 3 (2), 49-57. Sandner, D. (1979). Navajo symbols of healing. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich. Siegler, M. , Osmond, H. (1974). Models of madness, models of medicine. New York: Macmillan. Torrey, E. F. (1986). Witchdoctors and psychiatrists. New York: Harper Row.

The Ilonggos Essay Sample free essay sample

The Ilonggo’s prehistoric culture is based chiefly on the Maragtas. a papers that tells of the reaching in Panay of Malay datus and their households from Borneo in 1250. As the narrative goes. the Bornean Malays came into contact with the Atis or Negritos. the dwellers of the island at that clip. They so negotiated with the latter for the â€Å"pagtaba† or purchase of the coastal countries where they intended to settle down. After the understanding. the fledglings established colonies along riversides and seashores while the Atis retreated into the island’s insides. Some bookmans nevertheless. see the Maragtas as mere common people history because it has about six versions and is interlaced with events and narratives rather antic to be true ( Ponteras 1978 ) . More disclosure is that archeological groundss found in some topographic points in Iloilo Province demoing the material ownerships of Iloilo’s ancient dwellers indicate that they were every bit old a s the hills and vales in the country. We will write a custom essay sample on The Ilonggos Essay Sample or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page Considerable cultural stuffs of proto-historic vintage. peculiarly Chinese porcelain wares. recovered from different archeological sites. besides reveal the Ilonggos’ extended trade with the Chinese and other Asians before the supposed approach of the 10 Borneo datus. The Ilonggos trade dealingss with the Chinese and other Asiatics started from the tenth century and flourished up to the sixteenth century upon the reaching of the Spanish colonisers in the state. Excavated trade ware further indicates that some of the early Ilonggos Ate from porcelain home bases. non coconut shells as claimed by some bookmans ; that they lived in lasting colonies and were engaged in the production of harvests and trades ; that they had a system of composing. and that they were no longer afraid of aliens. So. it is non truly possible that they were the crude Atis that the Bornean Malays came in contact with. in the mid-13th century. Some early Spanish authors like Francisco Colin. Miguel de Loarca and Antonio de Morga attested to the fact that the Ilonggos already enjoyed certain grade of civilisation at the clip of the Spanish contact. Harmonizing to the Spaniards. the Ilonggos built boats of â€Å"very different forms and names† which they used for fishing a nd transporting their wares. They besides manufactured fishing cogwheels and traps made of bamboo ; wove fabrics from Manila hemp. cotton and Chinese silk ; carved artistic objects and images of their dead ascendants and made really attractive bodily decorations. They were adept silverworkers and coppersmiths. hammering soft stuffs into jewellery and decorations for their tools and arms. They had moreover. their ain alphabet. music and musical instruments. vocals and dances. and fables and narratives. As to who the people were. what is known is that they were ab initio called by the Spaniards as Pintados because of their organic structure tattoos. both work forces and adult females. which at a distance looked like organic structure picture. Nevertheless. non long after. the Spaniards recognized at least two typical groups—the Ati and what most bookmans ( Beyer et al ) designated as Malay. who may hold come from Borneo ( Coutts and Fullagar neodymium ) . At the clip of their reaching in the mid-16th centur y. the Spaniards had already noted a figure of well-populated communities in several topographic points in Iloilo that had booming intra- and inter-island trade. Culture The indispensable constituents of Ilonggo civilization are linguistic communication. unwritten literature ( heroic poems. myths. fables. Proverbs. etc. ) . vocals and dances. handcrafts. old churches and houses. and celebrated daintinesss. The Ilonggo linguistic communication is fundamentally Hiligaynon and Kinaray-a. the latter with its legion fluctuations in the interior subdivisions of the state. Ilonggo literature consists of hurubaton. paktakon. sugidanon ( heroic poems ) . lowa. and others. many of which have survived up to the present clip. Of class. the most known literature related to Ilonggos is the Maragtas. a folk history on the coming of the 10 Bornean datus and their households to Panay. Ilonggo vocals are chiefly composos or laies about love and escapade. cradlesong tunes ( Ili-ili is the best illustration ) . and other common people vocals. normally accompanied by either percussion. air current or twine instruments. Traditional dances that have been recorded by the Spaniards are the harito. balitaw. liay. lalong kalong. imbong. inay-inay. and binanog. Some of these dances are still being performed today. Ilonggo civilization is besides manifested in the people’s preference for colourful and epicurean jubilations. The Ilonggo ever finds an juncture to demo his stuff richness and his celebrated trade name of cordial reception. This explains why other than the spiritual banquets like the patronal fete. Flores de Mayo and Santacruzan. the Ilonggos have besides indulged themselves in many festivals. aside from the universe celebrated Dinagyang in Iloilo City and Maskara in Bacolod City. Traditions Mention must be made of Ilonggo zarzuela. the most popular signifier of common amusement in Western Visayas in the first half of the twentieth century. The zarzuela is a traditional musical phase drama picturing the mundane life and aspirations of the Ilonggos that made celebrated a figure of local authors. It besides catapulted into prominence the Iloilo-Bacolod Troupe ( ILOBAC ) that performed before capacity audiences in the metropoliss and municipalities of Iloilo and Negros Occidental. With respect to handcrafts. the 1 that is considered the â€Å"queen† . both in the past and in the present. is weaving. For a piece. during the late eighteenth century and early 19th centuries. Iloilo was referred to as the â€Å"Textile Capital of the Philippines† . Its woven merchandises made of pina fibres. cotton. silk and Manila hemp were exported abroad. every bit good as to Manila and other parts of Luzon and the Visayas. Iloilo is besides known formulated its pottery-making. bolo-making and bamboo trades. During the Spanish period. it was well-known as the centre of boat-building in the Visayas. particularly the town of Oton and the island of Guimaras. In fact. harmonizing to Spanish record. there were galleons used by the Spaniards built in these topographic points. Traits The Ilonggos since clip yesteryear have been noted for being â€Å"matinlo. † In fact. their personal cleanliness and of the remainder of the Filipino people for that affair ever attracted the attending of the Spaniards who came early to the Philippines. They noted that the small towns were largely situated along river Bankss or in oral cavities of rivers sloping out into the sea. The fledglings thought that the chief ground for this was the natives’ fancy for bathing which. or class. is partially right. The river and the sea were beginnings of protein nutrient through its teeming marine life. Transporting goods and people from the interior small towns to the seashores and vice-versa was easier by â€Å"bangka† ( wooden boat ) or by â€Å"balsa† ( bamboo raft ) down and up the river. Among the traits of the Ilonggo that the Spaniards had high respects was their being â€Å"mapisan† or hardworking. Casimiro Diaz. for illustration. in a elaborate hist ory on ecclesiastical and Augustinian personal businesss. 1630-1640. described the people of Panay as â€Å"naturally docile than any other of the cero. really hardworking in their rice farms† ( Diaz 1890 ) . A Gallic traveller. Jean Mallat. besides praised the dwellers as â€Å"the most industrious† ( Mallat 1846 ) . It is exactly because of the industry of the dwellers of Panay that the island. harmonizing to Miguel de Loarca. Antonio de Morga and Juan Medina. was abundant in rice ( Blair A ; Robertson 1903-1909 and De Morga 1962 ) . This was the ground why Panay. peculiarly Iloilo. became of involvement to the Spanish conquistadores from the really start of their colonisation of the archipelago. Aside from rice. Iloilo. harmonizing to De Loarca. besides â€Å"abounded in swine. poultry. wax and honey† ( Blair A ; Robertson 1903-1909 ) and. as ascertained by De Morga. was â€Å"abundant in wine-producing palm-trees and all sorts of nutrient supplies† ( De Morga 1962 ) . Furthermore. there is strong grounds that Iloilo was bring forthing a great measure of cotton and other fabric cloths ( Blair A ; Robertson 1903-1909 ) . The Ilonggos were besides noted by the Spa nish colonisers as â€Å"maisog† or fearless and brave. Life prior to the coming of the Spaniards had sufficient warfare and provided chances for work forces to turn out their bravery and daring and win for themselves awards and the tattoos which caused the Spaniards to name them Pintados. The chieftains’ ability to secure Fe or esteemed goods from foreign bargainers depended on control of the work force to work resources. Wars were hence fought to command people and resources. non territory. Raids upon other communities were intended to prehend slaves outright. to originate or implement confederations for trading webs. to take loot that included immature adult females. and to penalize those who had done incorrectly on the aggrieved party. Wars were fought non by standing ground forcess or naval forcess but by loyal warriors owing personal commitment to leaders who were besides physically present and active in these bloody brushs ( Scott 1995 ) . It must be understood that heroism in conflict was a basic necessity to going a â€Å"datu. † Ilonggos. besides have a greatest repute of being fond. friendly. and happy. Food Ilonggo civilization is reflected in the broad scope of its culinary delectations. as in the instance of Batchoy. pancit molo. baye-baye. biscocho. inday-inday. binakol. bandi. piyaya. and pinasugbo. Batchoy seemingly has become a national passion. a instance of Ilonggo cultural colonisation. This delicious mixture. normally advertised as â€Å"Original La Paz Batchoy† . can now be found anyplace in the Philippines – in the far north as the Ilocos part and in the far south as Tawi-tawi. It is observed. nevertheless. that the batchoy gustatory sensation in Iloilo could neer be duplicated elsewhere – it can merely be approximated. Batchoy prepared by non-Ilonggos in other topographic points taste more like mami instead than the existent thing. Apparels THE BAGOBOS Historyâ€Å"Bagobo† comes from â€Å"bago† intending â€Å"new. recent† and â€Å"obo/obbo/uvu† significance â€Å"growth. grow. † so that the term refers to a recent formation of people along the seashore of the Davao Gulf. When the Hinduized people from the south brought in Hindu civilization during the Sri Vijayan and Majapahit incursion of Mindanao. these migrators mixed with the native population. organizing a new society reflected in the name â€Å"Bagobo. † The term may slackly use to the coastal people of Davao Gulf. particularly those native groups on the western shores of southeasterly Davao. These groups include several ethnicities. such as the Tagabawa. Jangan or Attaw. and Tagacaolo. Spanish missionaries and early ethnographers tended to place them all as one group because they had common articles of material civilization. such as frock and decorations. tools. blades. and musical instruments. Immigrants from other topographic points besides tended to include the Manuvu among the Bagobo groups. The attribution is erroneous. for the Manuvu live in the highland countries northwest. North. and nor-east of Mt. Apo in interior Mindanao. Furthermore. all the above named cultural groups speak reciprocally unintelligible linguistic communications. The Bagobo are light brown in skin color. Their hair is brown or chocolate-brown black. runing from wavy to curly. The work forces stand about 158 centimeter tall. the adult females 147 centimeter. Although the face is broad. the zygomatic bones are non outstanding. The eyes are dark and widely set. the oculus slits slanting. The superciliums are intentionally shaved to a thin line by both male and female. The root of the olfactory organ is low. the ridge wide. The lips are full. the mentum rounded. Population estimation of the Bagobo in 1988 was 80. 000 Culture The Bagobos are celebrated for their flowery traditions in arms and other metal humanistic disciplines and noted for their accomplishment in bring forthing brass articles through the ancient lost-wax procedure. Their accomplishment in weaving one of the best abaca fabrics of Earth tones is besides among the great things that impress both locals and tourers likewise. Up to the present. the Bagobo are considered the prevailing inhabitants of the west seashore of Davao Gulf to the mountain ranges of Mt. Apo where they have engraved their colourful imposts and traditions. Mt. Apo. or Apo Sandawa. besides serves as their sacred worship evidences. Bing animist. the Bagobos believe in hereditary liquors who could allow their desire through offering of forfeits. Prayers are offered in rare rites accompanied by intoning and dancing. Bagobos have a strong societal construction that has enabled them to intermix good with others while retaining their autochthonal imposts. beliefs and values. This cultural individuality is imparted in Kadayawan Festival held every August in Davao City. The event has become a locale where 100s of them conveying out and flash their dances and vocals and rites that has been fierily and proudly passed from coevals to coevals. Today. some Bagobos have gone a long manner from their crude patterns and have attained a significant grade of autonomy. But while some have embraced modern life and abandoned their tribal roots. there is still a great figure that have remained strongly engrossed in the music of kulintangs and tam-tams. in the solemn chants and crop rites. attired in colourful frocks. in the stomping of pess on the land while dancing. and in everything that makes up the Bagobo civilization. Traditions Bagobo have flowery traditions in arms and other metal humanistic disciplines. They are noted for their accomplishment in bring forthing brass articles through the ancient lost-wax procedure. They besides weave abacca fabrics of Earth tones and do baskets that are trimmed with beads. fibres and horse’s hair. Sibulan was the centre of all the Bagobo folk when the Spaniards attempt to suppress the island of Mindanao at the terminal of the 19th century. The Spaniards gave this part its name ; the Land of Sibuls or land of legion springs. Long clip ago a group of Spanish soldiers met a group Bagobo adult females transporting bamboo tubings. tools they used to bring H2O from the many springs in the country. None of the adult females understood the soldiers when they were asked what the name of the topographic point was. The adult females thought the Spaniards were inquiring them for the beginning of the H2O. so they replied. Sibuls. intending spring. The Bagobo are by origin a mobi le folk. they travelled from one topographic point to the other by choping their manner through the virgin woods. The part was abundant with cogonal land with tall trees and had a broad country of runing evidences. The bow and pointer were used both in runing wild Sus scrofa. cervid or monkeys and fishing in crystal pure Waterss spurting from the inclines of Mount Apo. Apo means gramps of all mountains and is the highest mountain extremum in the Philippines. The land was besides cultivated with assorted harvests. but left behind after harvest clip in hunt of a better topographic point to cultivate. The dwellers in the early colonies feared the Anitos. liquors. which include asleep ascendants and nature-spirits or diwatas. who could allow their desire through offering of forfeits. Their faith is an array of countless gimokods ( liquors ) who have to be shown regard. The Bagobo besides believe in a supreme being who inhabits the sky universe. every bit good as a divinity. a supernatural immortal being who will convey illness and decease to incestuous twosomes. The chief Spirit is the great Godhead named Eugpamolak Manobo or Manama. The cognition of liquors and ancient fables resides in old tribal adult females. better known as mabalian. frequently they tell narrative of Tuwaang. a brave and strong warrior with different powers. One fable recalls the battle between Tuwaang and a giant from the land of Pinanggayungan. A maiden of the Buhong Sky who was flying from the giant of Pangumanon came across Tuwaang who was siting the sky on illuming. Tuwaang and the elephantine fought for the maiden. the giant used his charming powers and threw a bally saloon at Tuwaang. He was able to get away this ordeal by utilizing his ain charming ability and name the air current to fan the fire and allow the elephantine be engulfed by his ain fires. The mabalian are besides the ritual practicians which include mending. they are besides skilled as weavers. The adult females weave abaca fabrics with earthly tones. to a great extent embroidering it with beads and stitch work. They are known for their inlaid metal betel boxes. finished with bells and baskets that are trimmed with motley beads. fibres and Equus caballuss hair. The neer stoping jingling of the many bantam brass bells woven into the vesture became a Bagobo symbol. It is non rare that the to a great extent ornamented Bagobo are considered the most colorful people of the Philippines. The Bagobo believe in a supreme being who inhabits the sky universe. every bit good as a divinity who brings illness and decease to incestuous twosomes. The Bagobo are besides known for their long heroic poem verse forms. â€Å"tuwaang† . TraitsThe Bagobos are known to be steadfast trusters of their supreme existences and are besides known to be hardworking and proud of their heritage. FoodsA common nutrient served is known as â€Å"lyurot† or â€Å"lotlot. † . a native nutrient cooked in bamboo. They normally cook their nutrients in bamboo. They are besides knowne for their tasty poulet tenderized in its ain juices and steamed inside a bamboo. Apparels

A Comparison And Contrast Of Nature Essays - Literature, Poetry

A Comparison And Contrast Of Nature Essays - Literature, Poetry A Comparison And Contrast Of Nature A Comparison and Contrast of Nature Professor Liberman 4-02-99 In the Nineteenth century Realism, Naturalism, and Symbolism were popular modes of expression by writers of that era. Such modes of expression were the use of nature in their writings. Two poets that really stand out among the rest are Charles Baudelaire (1821-1867) and Paul Verlaine (1844-1896). Baudelaire was referred to by many as the first Modern Poet and the father of modern criticism. Verlaine like Baudelaire was a symbolist poet, he was also French and referred to as the Prince of Poets. Both these poets touch on nature in their poems. It was in Baudelaire's Song of Autumn I and Verlaine's Autumn Song that similarities and differences were most evident. Their views of autumn had melodramatic view of death and at the same time can contrast with one another. Throughout this paper I will discuss the parallelism and divergence between these two poems. In Baudelaire's first stanza of Song of Autumn I, he explains how the end of summer is near and the weather will become cold. He starts the reader off in the end of summer. Soon we shall plunge into the chilly fogs; Farewell, Swift light! Our summers are too short (line 1-2, pg. 1151). Baudelaire then begins to explain the chopping down of the trees to gather firewood. This idea of the rhythmic thump firewood being delivered is repeated throughout his poem. In Verlaine's Autumn Song, the first stanza is told in a very monotonous tone much like the first stanza of Song of autumn. Verlaine talks about long sobs and the feeling he has in heart, what he describing is the end of summer and begging of the gloomy season of autumn. This is exactly the same that Baudelaire describes in his first stanza. Verlaine difference in this stanza is that he starts the poem already in autumn whereas Bauderlaire starts his poem in the end of the summer. In the second stanza of Autumn Song, Verlaine discusses the feeling he has inside of him. Choking and pale when I mind the tale the hours keep(lines 6-9, pg. 1169). Verlaine then relates back to memories of the summer and this makes him cry. My memory strays down other days and I weep,(lines 10-12, pg. 1169). He also even makes references to idea of daylight savings time, the hours keep,(line 9, pg.1169). In that line he is saying that along with the gloomy aura of autumn there is now an extra hour. In Song of Autumn I, Baudelaire's second stanza follows the theme of Verlaine. Here Baudelaire like Verlaine explains his personal feeling of autumn. All of winter will gather in my soul: Hate, anger, horror, chills, the hard forced work;(lines 4-5, pg. 1151). Baudelaire however has a more cynical approach to his feeling; he describes in several adjectives the extent of his pain. Baudelaire's next two lines really personify his feelings, And. Like the sun in his hell by the North Pole, My heart will be only a red and frozen block,(lines 6-8, pg. 1151). What he is exemplifying in these lines is the strong hate that burns inside of him. Baudelaire seems to loathe everything that deals with autumn. As these poems progress there is an evident contrast in the tones of the poets writings. Verlaine has maintained a very slow and monotonous tone throughout, whereas Bauderlaire has been very boisterous about his feelings. Similar to a fire that has gasoline thrown on his fire his raging bigger and bigger with each stanza. In Song of Autumn I, stanza three, there really is no correlation between this stanza and the third stanza in Autumn Song. There is however a major contrast with this stanza and the whole poem by Verlaine. Baudelaire has kept a pattern of mentioning the idea of the chopping of firewood. He has kept it to an ever-other stanza pattern. Verlaine has no correlation between autumn and firewood. Baudelaire looks at autumn in a way that squirrel might. A squirrel spends autumn preparing for long haul of winter so the squirrel his constantly working through autumn. Baudelaire explains All of winter will gather in my soul, the hard forced work,(lines4-5, pg.